On the September BARMM elections (2)

Cotabato City—Even before the two-month election campaign period started in the region, huge billboards had announced, with various eye-catching slogans, about how their party should be the “chosen one.” One obviously nationally supported party had put out billboards announcing that a city or province has their “full support”—showing pictures of party organizers and leaders. One huge tarpaulin claims that “Cotabato City fully supports the Bangsamoro Federalist Party.”

On the other hand, the political party that the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) had organized just before the midterm local government elections in 2025 has also done exactly the same. This is the United Bangsamoro Justice Party or UBJP. In their own tarpaulin messaging, they emphasize the slogan “One Bangsamoro, One Political Party, and One Future,” complete with the thumbs-up icon. They also came up with a direct alternative motto to counter that of the BFP, saying that Cotabato City and all other localities are “Solid UBJP.”

Both claims need to be validated by the results of the September parliamentary elections. Without a truly independent survey, a political party cannot claim to have the full support of the voters in one locality; nor can it claim that one locality is “solid” in its support of whatever party claims to have this level of support.

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As the date of the regional elections looms, several violent incidents have already been marked as “election-related,” highlighting once again the usual description of the region as one of the “hotspots” during an election period.

In mid-July 2026, an ambush was reported in the municipality of Shariff Aguak, and after the other protagonist retaliated, a firefight ensued in the interior parts of the municipality. It was reported also as a “rido,” the catch-all term to mean vengeance fighting. Rido is a Meranaw (Maranaw) term referring to political contestations of families that have strongholds in various localities in the region. Rido is characterized as a zero-sum violent exchange that extends up to several generations, until it is settled through an elaborate conflict resolution process that requires some blood money or other forms of reparations to the aggrieved family.

Last Saturday, Aug. 15, 2026, several social media posts claimed that an “ambush” was staged to attack the convoy of regional politicians led by the interim Chief Minister of BARMM, Abdulraof Macacua. The convoy of vehicles, obviously belonging to the BFP, was reported to be hit while cruising along the Maguindanao province part of the national highway that leads all the way to South Cotabato and General Santos City.

Several party supporters condemned the said incident, claiming that it could be the handiwork of their political opponents. On the other hand, some other groups also perceived the incident as something similar to a staged one, like the old playbook of “ambush me” associated with the late Maguindanao political strongman, Datu Andal Ampatuan, during his heydays.

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No one was reported hurt in that incident.

Whatever it was, police and other security sector agents need to assure the public that the forthcoming Sept. 14 elections will be secured, and that voters are able to make their own choices of the region’s new regular parliamentary leaders without being threatened or harassed.

Constituents of the region also need to see that the elections will not be marred by election fraud. They recall a tactic of politicians who manipulate the results of an election, like ballot shading on the eve of election day.

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But beyond the ballots, which will translate to a possible reorganization of the fledgling BARMM bureaucracy, is the question that lingers on the fate of the process that led to the creation of the BARMM—the peace process.

The forthcoming elections will never supplant the resolution of age-old historical injustices, legitimate grievances that have engendered more than four decades of armed struggle by Moro revolutionaries.

More than two decades of painstaking peace negotiations would have been put to naught if the peace process were not put back on track. If the provisions in the peace agreement that have been stalled—like the provisions for decommissioning and the entire normalization process—continue to be frozen, then the very reason for creating the BARMM will be like another empty rhetoric.

For many constituents, the worst that can happen is for the BARMM to once again be the playground of corrupt traditional politicians. They have bled their local and regional governments dry and enriched themselves while in office, while the marginalized peoples in the region continue to be poor and food insecure.

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